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NO. 1    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
General Inroduction
NO. 6    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States
NO. 7    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States.
NO. 8    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Consequences of Hostilities Between the States
NO. 9    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection.
NO. 11    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Utility of the Union in Respect to Commercial Relations and a Navy
NO. 12    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Utility of the Union In Respect to Revenue.
NO. 13    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
Advantage of the Union in Respect to Economy in Government.
NO. 15    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union.
NO. 16    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
NO. 17    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
Close

End of Federalist Paper No. 17
FEDERALIST NO. 17
The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
For the Independent Journal     Tuesday December 4, 1787
Author: Alexander Hamilton
To the People of New York

AN OBJECTION, of a nature different from that which has been stated and answered, in my last address, may perhaps be likewise urged against the principle of legislation for the individual citizens of America. It may be said that it would tend to render the government of the Union too powerful, and to enable it to absorb those residuary authorities, which it might be judged proper to leave with the States for local purposes. Allowing the utmost latitude to the love of power which any reasonable man can require, I confess I am at a loss to discover what temptation the persons intrusted with the administration of the general government could ever feel to divest the States of the authorities of that description. The regulation of the mere domestic police of a State appears to me to hold out slender allurements to ambition. Commerce, finance, negotiation, and war seem to comprehend all the objects which have charms for minds governed by that passion; and all the powers necessary to those objects ought, in the first instance, to be lodged in the national depository. The administration of private justice between the citizens of the same State, the supervision of agriculture and of other concerns of a similar nature, all those things, in short, which are proper to be provided for by local legislation, can never be desirable cares of a general jurisdiction. It is therefore improbable that there should exist a disposition in the federal councils to usurp the powers with which they are connected; because the attempt to exercise those powers would be as troublesome as it would be nugatory; and the possession of them, for that reason, would contribute nothing to the dignity, to the importance, or to the splendor of the national government.

But let it be admitted, for argument's sake, that mere wantonness and lust of domination would be sufficient to beget that disposition; still it may be safely affirmed, that the sense of the constituent body of the national representatives, or, in other words, the people of the several States, would control the indulgence of so extravagant an appetite. It will always be far more easy for the State governments to encroach upon the national authorities than for the national government to encroach upon the State authorities. The proof of this proposition turns upon the greater degree of influence which the State governments if they administer their affairs with uprightness and prudence, will generally possess over the people; a circumstance which at the same time teaches us that there is an inherent and intrinsic weakness in all federal constitutions; and that too much pains cannot be taken in their organization, to give them all the force which is compatible with the principles of liberty.

The superiority of influence in favor of the particular governments would result partly from the diffusive construction of the national government, but chiefly from the nature of the objects to which the attention of the State administrations would be directed.

It is a known fact in human nature, that its affections are commonly weak in proportion to the distance or diffusiveness of the object. Upon the same principle that a man is more attached to his family than to his neighborhood, to his neighborhood than to the community at large, the people of each State would be apt to feel a stronger bias towards their local governments than towards the government of the Union; unless the force of that principle should be destroyed by a much better administration of the latter.

This strong propensity of the human heart would find powerful auxiliaries in the objects of State regulation. The variety of more minute interests, which will necessarily fall under the superintendence of the local administrations, and which will form so many rivulets of influence, running through every part of the society, cannot be particularized, without involving a detail too tedious and uninteresting to compensate for the instruction it might afford.

There is one transcendant advantage belonging to the province of the State governments, which alone suffices to place the matter in a clear and satisfactory light,--I mean the ordinary administration of criminal and civil justice. This, of all others, is the most powerful, most universal, and most attractive source of popular obedience and attachment. It is that which, being the immediate and visible guardian of life and property, having its benefits and its terrors in constant activity before the public eye, regulating all those personal interests and familiar concerns to which the sensibility of individuals is more immediately awake, contributes, more than any other circumstance, to impressing upon the minds of the people, affection, esteem, and reverence towards the government. This great cement of society, which will diffuse itself almost wholly through the channels of the particular governments, independent of all other causes of influence, would insure them so decided an empire over their respective citizens as to render them at all times a complete counterpoise, and, not unfrequently, dangerous rivals to the power of the Union.

The operations of the national government, on the other hand, falling less immediately under the observation of the mass of the citizens, the benefits derived from it will chiefly be perceived and attended to by speculative men. Relating to more general interests, they will be less apt to come home to the feelings of the people; and, in proportion, less likely to inspire an habitual sense of obligation, and an active sentiment of attachment.

The reasoning on this head has been abundantly exemplified by the experience of all federal constitutions with which we are acquainted, and of all others which have borne the least analogy to them.

Though the ancient feudal systems were not, strictly speaking, confederacies, yet they partook of the nature of that species of association. There was a common head, chieftain, or sovereign, whose authority extended over the whole nation; and a number of subordinate vassals, or feudatories, who had large portions of land allotted to them, and numerous trains of INFERIOR vassals or retainers, who occupied and cultivated that land upon the tenure of fealty or obedience, to the persons of whom they held it. Each principal vassal was a kind of sovereign, within his particular demesnes. The consequences of this situation were a continual opposition to authority of the sovereign, and frequent wars between the great barons or chief feudatories themselves. The power of the head of the nation was commonly too weak, either to preserve the public peace, or to protect the people against the oppressions of their immediate lords. This period of European affairs is emphatically styled by historians, the times of feudal anarchy.

When the sovereign happened to be a man of vigorous and warlike temper and of superior abilities, he would acquire a personal weight and influence, which answered, for the time, the purpose of a more regular authority. But in general, the power of the barons triumphed over that of the prince; and in many instances his dominion was entirely thrown off, and the great fiefs were erected into independent principalities or States. In those instances in which the monarch finally prevailed over his vassals, his success was chiefly owing to the tyranny of those vassals over their dependents. The barons, or nobles, equally the enemies of the sovereign and the oppressors of the common people, were dreaded and detested by both; till mutual danger and mutual interest effected a union between them fatal to the power of the aristocracy. Had the nobles, by a conduct of clemency and justice, preserved the fidelity and devotion of their retainers and followers, the contests between them and the prince must almost always have ended in their favor, and in the abridgment or subversion of the royal authority.

This is not an assertion founded merely in speculation or conjecture. Among other illustrations of its truth which might be cited, Scotland will furnish a cogent example. The spirit of clanship which was, at an early day, introduced into that kingdom, uniting the nobles and their dependants by ties equivalent to those of kindred, rendered the aristocracy a constant overmatch for the power of the monarch, till the incorporation with England subdued its fierce and ungovernable spirit, and reduced it within those rules of subordination which a more rational and more energetic system of civil polity had previously established in the latter kingdom.

The separate governments in a confederacy may aptly be compared with the feudal baronies; with this advantage in their favor, that from the reasons already explained, they will generally possess the confidence and good-will of the people, and with so important a support, will be able effectually to oppose all encroachments of the national government. It will be well if they are not able to counteract its legitimate and necessary authority. The points of similitude consist in the rivalship of power, applicable to both, and in the CONCENTRATION of large portions of the strength of the community into particular DEPOSITS, in one case at the disposal of individuals, in the other case at the disposal of political bodies.

A concise review of the events that have attended confederate governments will further illustrate this important doctrine; an inattention to which has been the great source of our political mistakes, and has given our jealousy a direction to the wrong side. This review shall form the subject of some ensuing papers.

Beginning of Federalist Paper No. 17

Close

NO. 18    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander and Madison, James
The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
NO. 19    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander and Madison, James
The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
NO. 20    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander and Madison, James
The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union.
NO. 21    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
Other Defects of the Present Confederation
NO. 22    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: Other Defects of the Present Confederation
NO. 23    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Necessity of a Government as Energetic as the One Proposed to the Preservation of the Union
NO. 24    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered
NO. 25    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered
NO. 26    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered
NO. 27    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered
NO. 28    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered
NO. 29    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
THE power of regulating the militia, and of commanding its services in times of insurrection and invasion are natural incidents to the duties of superintending the common defense, and of watching over the internal peace of the Confederacy
NO. 30    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
Concerning the General Power of Taxation
NO. 31    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation
NO. 32    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation
NO. 33    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation
NO. 34    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued Concerning the General Power of Taxation
NO. 35    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation
NO. 36    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of Taxation
NO. 50    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
Periodic Appeals to the People Considered
NO. 51    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments
NO. 52    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
The House of Representatives
NO. 53    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
The Same Subject Continued: The House of Representatives
NO. 54    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
The Apportionment of Members Among the States
NO. 55    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
The Total Number of the House of Representatives
NO. 56    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
The Total Number of the House of Representatives
NO. 57    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
The Alleged Tendency of the New Plan to Elevate the Few at the Expense of the Many Considered in Connection with Representation
NO. 59    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members
NO. 60    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members
NO. 61    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued (Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members)
NO. 63    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander or Madison, James
The Senate Continued
NO. 65    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Powers of the Senate Continued
NO. 66    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
Objections to the Power of the Senate To Set as a Court for Impeachments Further Considered
NO. 67    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Executive Department
NO. 68    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Mode of Electing the President
NO. 69    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Real Character of the Executive
NO. 70    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Executive Department Further Considered
NO. 71    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Duration in Office of the Executive.
NO. 72    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Same Subject Continued, and Re-Eligibility of the Executive Considered
NO. 73    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Provision For The Support of the Executive, and the Veto Power
NO. 75    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Treaty Making Power of the Executive
NO. 76    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Appointing Power of the Executive
NO. 77    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Appointing Power Continued and Other Powers of the Executive Considered
NO. 78    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Judiciary Department
NO. 79    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Judiciary Department Continued
NO. 80    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Powers of the Judiciary
NO. 81    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Judiciary Continued, and the Distribution of the Judicial Authority
NO. 82    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Judiciary Continued
NO. 83    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
The Judiciary Continued in Relation to Trial by Jury
NO. 84    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
Certain General and Miscellaneous Objections to the Constitution Considered and Answered.
NO. 85    DeB 187-Hamilton, Alexander
Concluding Remarks
NO. 2    DeB 187-Jay, John
Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence
NO. 3    DeB 187-Jay, John
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers From Foreign Force and Influence
NO. 4    DeB 187-Jay, John
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers From Foreign Force and Influence
NO. 5    DeB 187-Jay, John
The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence.
NO. 64    DeB 187-Jay, John
The Powers of the Senate
NO. 10    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Same Subject Continued: The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection.
NO. 14    DeB 187-Madison, James
Objections to the Proposed Constitution From Extent of Territory Answered.
NO. 37    DeB 187-Madison, James
Concerning the Difficulties of the Convention in Devising a Proper Form of Government
NO. 38    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Same Subject Continued, and the Incoherence of the Objections to the New Plan Exposed
NO. 39    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Conformity of the Plan to Republican Principles
NO. 40    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Powers of the Convention to Form a Mixed Government Examined and Sustained
NO. 41    DeB 187-Madison, James
General View of the Powers Conferred by the Constitution
NO. 42    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further Considered
NO. 43    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Same Subject Continued: The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further Considered
NO. 44    DeB 187-Madison, James
Restrictions on the Authority of the Several States
NO. 45    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Alleged Danger From the Powers of the Union to the State Governments Considered
NO. 46    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Influence of the State and Federal Governments Compared
NO. 47    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Particular Structure of the New Government and the Distribution of Power Among Its Different Parts
NO. 48    DeB 187-Madison, James
These Departments Should Not Be So Far Separated as to Have No Constitutional Control Over Each Other
NO. 58    DeB 187-Madison, James
Objection That The Number of Members Will Not Be Augmented as the Progress of Population Demands Considered
NO. 62    DeB 187-Madison, James
The Senate
X